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5 Nigerian governors who got ‘richer’ after leaving office

Nigerian politics is controversial. Public servants enter office as humble “servants of the people,” but by the time they leave, many have mysteriously amassed the kind of wealth that raises eyebrows and questions.

This is a recurring plotline. One we’re all familiar with.

These supposed leaders treat governance like a personal ATM, withdrawing fortunes at the people’s expense. They milk the system dry, using shady contracts, bloated budgets, and front companies to build empires right under our noses.

As one frustrated Nigerian once said, “We may be hungry, but we go still laugh.” And laugh we do, bitterly, at the absurdity of it all.

Today, we uncover some curious cases of Nigerian governors whose wealth skyrocketed after leaving office, and the lingering questions about accountability in Nigerian politics. 

How did they do it? And why do they keep getting away with it? 

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1. Orji Uzor Kalu (Abia State, 1999–2007)

Before becoming governor, Orji Uzor Kalu was a businessman with interests in manufacturing and publishing. However, after his tenure as governor, his wealth skyrocketed. By 2015, he had earned a spot on Forbes Africa’s Top 50 Richest Africans, with an estimated net worth of $330 million. His portfolio had expanded to include The Sun newspapers and a sprawling network of real estate assets.

In 2019 however, Kalu was convicted by a Federal High Court for allegedly diverting over ₦7 billion from Abia State’s funds during his tenure. He was sentenced to 12 years in prison. Though the Supreme Court later overturned the verdict on technical grounds, the case left lingering questions about how a governor’s wealth could grow so exponentially while Abia state remained underdeveloped. 

2. James Ibori (Delta State, 1999–2007)

James Ibori’s name is synonymous with grand corruption. After leaving office, he was arrested in Dubai in 2010 and extradited to the UK, where he pleaded guilty to money laundering and fraud amounting to nearly £50 million.

In 2012, he was sentenced to 13 years in a British prison, one of the harshest penalties ever handed down to a Nigerian politician abroad.

British prosecutors revealed that Ibori siphoned state funds to buy luxury properties, a private jet, and expensive cars, all while Delta State languished in poverty. His case remains one of the most glaring examples of how deeply corruption can run in Nigerian politics.

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3. Godswill Akpabio (Akwa Ibom State, 2007–2015)

During his time as governor, Godswill Akpabio branded his administration the era of “Uncommon Transformation,” backed by massive infrastructural projects. However, critics argue that his personal fortune also underwent an “uncommon transformation.”

After leaving office, Akpabio faced allegations from the EFCC of misappropriating over ₦100 billion. Though he has never been convicted, his sudden acquisition of choice properties in Abuja and Lagos has continued to raise eyebrows and fuel suspicions. 

4. Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano State, 1999–2003, 2011–2015)

Kwankwaso’s political influence in Kano is undeniable, but so is the controversy around his wealth. After his tenure, he launched the Kwankwasiyya Foundation and expanded his business interests in real estate and construction.

In 2024, the EFCC probed Kwakwanso over alleged ₦2.5 billion pension fraud. While no direct convictions have been made, his financial growth post office remains a subject of heated debate.

5. Sullivan Chime (Enugu State, 2007–2015)

Chime was praised for infrastructural developments in Enugu, but his post-gubernatorial life raised questions. Reports emerged of his acquisition of multi-billion-naira properties in highbrow areas of Lagos and Abuja.

Though he denies any wrongdoing, the sheer scale of his assets, compared to his pre-office financial status, has led many to wonder how a former civil servant could afford such luxury without dipping into public funds.

Why does this keep happening?

The pattern is painfully familiar, and the root of it lies in Nigeria’s weak systems of accountability. Despite having agencies like the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) in place, convictions are rare.  

Many cases drag on for years, and some politicians exploit legal loopholes to escape justice.

Worse still, the Constitution’s immunity clause shields sitting governors from prosecution. This gives them a free pass to accumulate wealth with little fear of immediate consequences. By the time they leave office, any possible evidence may have been buried and witnesses disappear. 

Justice, it seems, is always a few steps too slow.

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